The Persian Empire
The Persian Empire to 480 B.C.
By Jack Barkstrom
Cyrus the Great - First Imperial Persian Ruler
The Pasargadae were described by Herodotus as 'the most noble tribe of the Persians.' [1] Based in the valley of the Medus (modern Pulwar), the nobility of the Pasargadae had its foundation in the hardy mountain peasants who came to form the core of the Persian army. Cyrus II, known to the world as Cyrus the Great, would name his first capital after his clan. At a site 60 miles northeast of modern Shiraz, Iran (and 54 miles northeast of Persepolis, the later capital), Cyrus built Pasargadae (sometime after 550 B.C.). In contrast to the later imperial center of Susa, situated in a fertile plain at the foot of the Zagros mountains, Pasargadae and Persepolis were surrounded by country which could be described as desolate. If the rocky hills (and arid climate) limited agricultural production, they were a good source of high-quality limestone for building.
Cyrus, in response to a suggestion by one of his noblemen that he establish his court in a city with a more pleasant climate, is said to have replied: 'Soft lands breed soft men.' [2] Whether his statement was intended as an expression of the devotion he felt for his native clan, as an indication of his views on political power, or as an acknowledgement that his continued survival was based on the lessons his hardy peasants could learn from an unforgiving land, Cyrus could hardly be accused of going soft. He, together with much of his army, was killed leading a campaign against nomadic tribes in the east in 530/529 BC. (Some identified the tribes as being led by Queen Tomysis. Herodotus named them as the Massagetae). He had conquered Lydia in 547 - 546, defeated the Asiatic Greeks (546 - 545), campaigned in central Asia in 541, and conquered Babylonia (540 - 538). Whatever advantages Pasargadae offered as a training ground for future officials were not enough to save it. It would be abandoned by Darius I, in favor of Parsa (Persepolis), construction of which began c. 518 BC. Cyrus' tomb would remain at Pasargadae.
Kurush was the name Cyrus II was given at birth, which occurred sometime around 575 BC. Kurush was the son of a Persian king named Cambyses. In 559 B.C. Cyrus II came to the throne of the kingdom of Anshan, a vassal state of the Median kingdom. Anshan was the western half of the Persian dynasty, which had been founded by Achaemenes. (Cyrus I, the grandfather of Kurush, had been granted the kingdom of Anshan when Cyrus' father Teispes had divided the Achaemenid kingdom. Ariaramnes had received the eastern half. Anshan had passed to Cambyses, the father of Cyrus II.) Following his ascension to the Anshan throne, Cyrus II contrived a plan to subjugate its eastern neighbor. By 550 B.C. the plan had been completed and the eastern kingdom had been assimilated. The expansion alarmed the king of the Medes, Astyages, who decided to end the threat posed by the ambitious Cyrus and led an army against him. According to the Babylonian chronicle of Nabonidas, when the armies met on the plain of Murghab, Astyages' army mutinied, placed him in chains, and delivered him to Cyrus. Pasargadae would be established not far from the site of the confrontation, a commemoration of the victory.
The capital of the Median Empire was at Ecbatana (modern Hamadan). Following the defeat of Astyages, Cyrus led his army against the city, which offered no serious resistance. The only indignity suffered by the city was that Cyrus transferred some of its treasure to Anshan. Ecbatana became the summer residence of the Persian rulers. Susa, capital of Anshan, now became the capital of the Persian Empire.
The conquest of the Median Empire threatened to undo an uneasy peace which had existed between the Medes and the kingdom of Lydia, in Asia Minor. In 485 the two kingdoms had agreed to let the Halys River serve as the boundary dividing the kingdoms. Lydia controlled the territory west of the Halys; the Medes controlled the east. In the spring of 547 (or 546) the Lydian king, Croesus, took an army across the Halys into Cappadocia. The fortress of Pteria was besieged and captured. According to Herodotus, Croesus had asked the oracle at Delphi whether he should attack Persia. In hindsight, the answer he received was ambiguous - if he attacked the Persians across the Halys, 'he would destroy a great empire.' Croesus apparently did not stop to consider that the empire destroyed might be his own. [3]
The distance from Susa to Pteria is 1,200 miles. Cyrus was able to reach the outskirts of Pteria with his army by early summer. The two armies confronted each other outside the walls. Although the battle lasted an entire day, it was indecisive. The Lydian army withdrew within the walls of Pteria, then abandoned the city the following morning. Croesus crossed the Halys and returned to Sardis. Believing that the approaching winter meant an end to the campaigning season, Croesus began demobilizing his army for the year. Cyrus however had not remained at Pteria, but had followed Croesus to Sardis. Whether his intent was to surprise Croesus simply by extending the campaigning season or whether his timing was fortunate, he arrived while the demobilization was in progress. Croesus still managed to reassemble an army to face the Persians.
Cyrus surprised the Lydian cavalry by placing a train of baggage camels at the front of his line. The smell of the camels panicked the charging Lydian horses, which bolted, leaving the Lydians without a cavalry force. The loss was a serious blow to Croesus' chances for victory, but the discipline of his army held long enough to reach safety within the walls of Sardis. Cyrus was faced with the prospect of an extended siege against a fortification above the city believed to be impregnable. On the 13th day, one of his soldiers observed a Lydian climb down from the walls to recover a helmet, which had fallen down the hill, then climb back up the walls.. The recovery and return revealed a hidden route up the cliff-like face of the hill. The next day the Persian soldier led a small force up the cliffs following the route he had observed the Lydian climb. The city was soon in Persian hands. Croesus, according to tradition, attempted to burn himself to death. According to Herodotus he was burned to death on the orders of Cyrus, following his capture. [4]
In 540 Cyrus began a campaign against his onetime ally, Babylon, which was ruled by Nabonidus. Nabonidas, despite coming to power as a result of a court conspiracy, had held power for seventeen years. Discontent with his rule, which could be traced in part to his religious policies, was said to be high. Babylonia's chief god, Marduk, had been neglected, it was said. His mother, a priestess of the ancient moon god Sin, exercised too much influence. Babylon's treasury was spent on a temple to Sin, while ordinary ceremonies and festivals honoring Marduk were ignored. Nabonidas was also faulted for abandoning the capital (he was away on campaign for eleven years) and leaving military and operational affairs over the city in the hands of his son, Prince Belshazzar. (In view of Cyrus' propensity to engage in foreign military operations, Nabonidas' absence from Babylon may or may not be a valid criticism.) Unfairly or not, Belshazzar's abilities have been tainted by a single Biblical anecdote - the 'writing on the wall.' "Mene men tekel u-pharsin." "You have been weighed in the balance and found wanting. Your kingdom has been divided and given to the Medes and Persians,." according to interpretation given by Daniel of what the hand supposedly wrote. [5]
Nabonidas, in his final preparations for Cyrus' invasion, played into the hands of his critics. He moved images of the gods from their home cities to Babylon. The images may have been protected from Persian armies, but the home cities had lost the protection offered by the gods. Marduk suffered the additional humiliation of hosting competing gods in his own city. [6]
It is not known what route Cyrus' army took when it invaded Babylonia. It may have been from the east, which would have involved the Zagros gates, or it may have been from the north, along the Tigris. The fact that the city of Opis, on the Tigris to the north of Babylon, was captured after fierce fighting, suggests that the army took the northern route. Cyrus divided his army following the capture of Opis. The city of Sippar surrendered, without a fight, to the army commanded by Cyrus. One of Nabonidas' own governors, Ugbaru (Gobryas), who had rebelled to join Cyrus, took the second army, consisting of his own troops and troops from the Persian force, south. (Ugbaru had been governor of Gutium, a district north of the captured city of Opis.) On the 16th of October (Tishri), 540, Ugbaru's forces marched unopposed into Babylon. Nabonidas was taken prisoner. Cyrus entered the city on November 3rd and Belshazzar was killed a week later. [7]
With the conquest of Babylon, Cyrus now controlled the lands formerly held by the Medes, Lydians, and Babylonians. The conquest also gave him a claim to countries further west, such as Phoenicia and Syria. Egypt had yet to become part of the Persian Empire, but Cyrus had his eyes set on acquiring it. He assigned the campaign to his son, Cambyses. Cyrus himself took an army east and was killed in fighting in 529. The enemy force was never definitively identified. Herodotus thought it was the Massagetae, a tribe residing east of the Caspian. Ctesias believed it was an alliance of the Derbices and Indians. Berosus identified a desert tribe called the Dahae. [8]
In Herodotus' version Cyrus crossed the Araxes and marched about one day's journey into Massagetae territory, where he built a camp. The main force then retreated toward the Araxes, leaving a force, comprised of the sick and wounded, behind as a decoy. Those in the camp were overwhelmed by the Massagetae attack. When the Massagetae plundered the camp following their victory, they found a quantity of wine, became drunk, and fell asleep. Cyrus then returned with his main force and killed or captured the sleeping Massagetae. Among those captured was a general named Spargapises, who was the son of the Messagetae queen, Tomyrus. Tomyrus demanded his release, but he committed suicide when the opportunity arose. Tomyrus then gathered a large force and fought a pitched battle with the Persian army. The Messagetae destroyed most of the Persian force. Cyrus was killed in the fighting. Tomyrus located his body, beheaded him, and threw the head into a skin which had been filled with human blood. She had threatened, before the battle, to give Cyrus his fill of blood. [9]
Cambyses and the Conquest of Egypt
Before his death, Cyrus indicated that Cambyses, his eldest son by Cassandane, of the Achaemenid line, was to be his successor. Cambyses II, (Cambyses I had been the father of Cyrus), on his accession in 529 BC, was not ready to lead an expedition against Egypt. The invasion would take place in 525, four years after he assumed power. The fall of Babylon had provided Persia with resources which would prove valuable in any Egyptian undertaking. The Phoenicians, who could provide the ships for a naval force, were eager to enter into a Persian alliance. Cambyses, in laying the groundwork for an attack, also had been making diplomatic efforts to weaken Egypt. He tried to persuade the Cyprians to send a contingent to join the Persian forces. He sought to strengthen his naval forces by requesting that Polycrates of Samos put his fleet at the disposal of the Persians.
In 525 Cambyses assembled his army at Gaza in Palestine. The city of Acre was to serve as the base for the invasion fleet. The plan was to march the army along the coast road into Egypt, using the fleet to support the army. Supplying the troops with water was the main problem of the desert march and Cambyses solved the problem by establishing friendly relations with the Arabs in the region. [10] The first major clash between the Persian troops and the Egyptian army took place near the city of Pelusium. The Egyptian army was decisively defeated, although the garrison in the city held out for awhile before surrendering. What was left of the Egyptian army retreated to the city of Memphis, which, in turn, fell after a siege. The Egyptian king Psammetichus III was captured, along with the city. By May 525, Cambyses was able to claim the Egyptian throne.
The speedy success of Cambyses' campaign may have been due to his skills as a military tactician, but there is also evidence that the invasion came at a time of internal turmoil and a deteriorating political situation in Egypt. The Egyptian admiral Phanes is suspected of using his position to keep the Egyptian fleet out of action. Just before the invasion he fled Egypt and joined Cambyses in a position as an advisor. Militarily the Egyptians had come to rely on foreign mercenaries, which not only caused resentment among native Egyptians, but also proved a costly drain on the temple revenues. Their position was further weakened by the defection of Polycrates of Samos from their alliance. He offered his support to the Persians.
Cambyses himself, soon found that relying on a non-Persian force could prove a hindrance to expansionist plans. The speedy conquest of Egypt resulted in the submission of Libya and Cyrene, moving the boundaries of the Persian Empire further west along the north African coast. Carthage, still further west, was unimpressed. It neither offered its submission nor worried about negotiating an agreement with the Persians. The only way to bring Carthage within the Persian sphere was by military conquest. However, there was no coast road over which an army could march. Troops would have to be transported by sea. The Phoenicians were reluctant to lend their ships for an expedition against a people they considered their kinsmen. Their non-cooperation doomed the expedition, forcing Cambyses to abandon it before any ships were sent out.
The abandonment of the Carthaginian expedition did not end Cambyses' dreams of expansion. A 50,000-man force was sent from Thebes to subjugate a colony of Greeks at the oasis of Jupiter Ammon (Siwa Oasis). The army was reported as reaching the city of Oasis (el-Kharga), seven days distant, safely. According to Herodotus the entire force was buried in a sand-storm before it reached the Greek colony. Cambyses himself led another part of his army in an expedition south against the Ethiopians. According to Herodotus, before the expedition had gone one-fifth of the way, supplies gave out, forcing the soldiers to eat their baggage animals, and, as a last resort, grass. He asserts that the army, which was apparently following the Nile, had not yet ventured into the desert. Cambyses' determination to continue was shaken when the army resorted to cannibalism, choosing every tenth soldier by lot, to be eaten, in preparation for a desert journey. At this point, according to Herodotus, Cambyses became fearful and ordered a retreat to Thebes, Clearly the expedition had been overtaken by some disaster. In some ways however, the sequence of events related serves as much to illustrate the point that Cambyses' was descending into madness as it does to recount the events surrounding the expedition. It is unusual for an advancing army to eat its pack animals and grass. That behavior seems more appropriate for an army which has already been beaten and is in retreat. Cannibalism, as well, seems more closely related to defeat and the conduct of a vanquished force, than one intent on, or capable of, advancing. [11]
While Cambyses had failed in his efforts to expand the Persian Empire further into Africa, the disaster did not bring about the collapse of Persian rule in Egypt. (It was strong enough to survive (or at least avoid) the turmoil which erupted in other parts of the Empire following Cambyses' death.) The Ethiopian capital city of Meroe was not captured, but a garrison at Elephantine had been established. (Elephantine is an island near Aswan on the Nile, near the first cataract.)Persia would remain strong enough militarily to garrison the Elephantine fortress for the next hundred years. [12]
In the spring of 522 Cambyses returned to Persia. According to Herodotus, he died at the Syrian city of Ecbatana, (not the Median capital city). (Other accounts place the death at Damascus or Babylon.) He suffered a wound in the thigh from his unsheathed sword as he leaped on his horse. The wound became infected, then turned fatally gangrenous. The death may have been a suicide. Whether Cambyses' return was prompted by reports of unrest at home is not clear. He may not have been aware of disaffection. What was later reported was that the throne had been usurped by a Magian named Gaumata, who was impersonating Cambyses' brother Smerdis. If the death was a suicide, it may have been related to his madness, or it may have been related to an understanding of just how far the revolt had spread. [13]
The satrap Aryandes had assumed command of Egypt when Cambyses left. He proved to be strong-willed and independent, striking coins with his image and leading an expedition to capture Cyrene when it rebelled against the Dorians. That independence proved too much for Darius, who had him executed in 517. Pherendates was appointed to replace him. [14]
Darius the Great - Consolidating Power and Reorganizing an Empire
Darius was a distant cousin of Cambyses and had served under him as an officer in Egypt. He would emerge as the ruler of Persia in the wake of the turmoil following the death of Cambyses. Just how he came to power is a matter of speculation. One version suggests that he became involved in a plot to seize power shortly after the death of Cambyses. The plotters killed Cambyses' brother, Smerdis, who had taken the throne while Cambyses was in Egypt, then had come up with an elaborate cover story to justify their actions. The official version, propounded by Darius, was that Smerdis had been secretly murdered on Cambyses' orders before the Egyptian expedition began and that Darius became involved because of Gaumata's usurpation. [15]
Darius recorded his version of the story on the face of a cliff near the village of Behistun, a settlement on the caravan route between Ecbatana and Babylon. There was something odd, even contradictory, about the circumstances under which the inscriptions had been created. The author or authors seemed intent on reaching an audience well outside the boundaries of Persia, since the text was presented in Old Persian, Elamite, and Akkadian. While Behistun, as a caravan stopover, would ensure a constantly changing audience, it was an unlikely location to wage a major public relations campaign within Persian. Nor was the placement of the Behistun text, some 300 feet above the ground, likely to attract the attention of caravan travelers. At that height, even if noticed, it was virtually unreadable. Between the ground and the text was a smooth cliff face, an impediment to those curious enough to want to read the inscriptions. When the workmen had finished their carving, the rock below the text, down to the ground, had been chiseled smooth. There was no path or route allowing easy access. If the difficulty of the climb discouraged the occasionally curious traveler or tourist, it also served as a deterrent to local vandals. But Darius probably was not worried that local vandals might attempt to deface the writing. He was more worried that political opponents might want to re-write the history. Whether armed guards were posted to protect the inscriptions for a time, the natural obstacles proved sufficient. The text would survive some twenty-five centuries. [16]
Darius, in the Behistun inscription, claims that Cambyses had his brother Bardiya (Smerdis) murdered before he left for Egypt While Cambyses was in Egypt, a Magian named Gaumata, came forward, claiming that he was Bardiya, instigating a revolt against Cambyses and seizing the throne. Herodotus' version of events is slightly different. In his story Cambyses, following Smerdis' death, had left his Magian steward, Patizeithes, in charge of his household. Patizeithes had a brother who happened to have the same name as the murdered brother - Smerdis. The Magian Smerdis also looked remarkably similar to the murdered Smerdis. Smerdis was then proclaimed king. [17]
Darius, to deal with Gaumata's conspiracy, enlisted six Persian noblemen, to re-take the throne - Intaphrenes, Otanes, Gobryas, Hydarnes, Magabyxos, and Ardumanish. Darius, along with the six, found Gaumata at Sikayauvatish, in the Median province of Nisāya, and killed him. His death took place in the autumn of 522. With Gaumata's death, nothing stood in the way of Darius' accession to the throne. Darius avoided the question of his royal lineage. His father Hystaspes would have had a stronger claim under the rules of succession. Instead he would serve Darius as the satrap of Parthia. [18]
Darius inherited a kingdom on the verge of disintegration. He immediately had to deal with revolts in Susiana and Babylon. Atrina (Ashina), the son of Upadaranma, claimed the kingship of Susa. Darius did not go personally to the province, but sent an army, which captured Atrina and quickly subdued the rebel forces. Atrina was executed. Nidintu-Bel became king in Babylonia, choosing to rule under the name Nebuchadrezzar, the son of Nabonidas. In December 522, Darius led his army against Babylon. He inflicted a defeat on Nidintu-Bel's army, first at the Tigris, and four days later, at the Euphrates. He then laid siege to Babylon. The city fell within several months. (Herodotus' recounts a siege of twenty months. Nidintu-Bel was captured and killed and Darius was recognized as king (Jan.- Feb. 521). A second revolt had broken out at Susa. Martiya, from the town of Kuganakā, claimed the throne and ruled under the name of Imanish. Darius claims that, before he reached Susa with another army, the Susians killed Martiya. [19]
Darius had barely secured Babylon when he was forced to deal with twin revolts in Media and Armenia. The Median revolt may have broken out as soon as Darius left on the Babylonian campaign, although he only became aware of it after entering Babylon. Darius had been aware of the Armenian revolt during the march on Babylon and had detached part of his army to deal with the revolt there before Babylon had been captured. The Persian general Vaumisa was placed in command of the force, which left after the battle at the Euphrates. In January 521, his army defeated the Armenian forces at Izzila in Assyria. Vaumisa would inflict a second defeat on the Armenians in May 521 at Autiyāra in Armenia. Despite these defeats, the rebellion had not been broken. A second army, commanded by the Armenian general, Dādarshi, was dispatched. It battled the rebel forces at Zuzza, Tigra, and Uyamā. Vaumisa and Dādarshi waited for Darius' moves against Media.
The Median revolt was led by Fravartish, who reigned as king under the name Khshathrita. To deal with this threat, once he had entered Babylon, Darius sent another part of his army, commanded by Hydarnes. In January 521 his army fought the Median forces at Marush, in Media. He claimed victory, but was unable to advance against Ecbatana in the face of resistance from the Median forces. Darius joined Hydarnes and the combined Persian forces defeated Fravartish at Kundar. Darius then advanced on Ecbatana and captured the city. Fravartish, who had fled to Ragae in eastern Media, was captured, taken to Ecbatana, and executed. Hyrcania and Parthia held out, despite the collapse of the rebellion. In March 521 Darius' father Hystaspes, is said to have defeated the rebels at Vishpauzātish in Parthia, but the rebellion would remain alive for another year. Hystaspes would score a major victory in April 520 at Patigrabana in Parthia.[20]
The satrap of Bactria, Dadarshi, in the east, had to deal with a revolt which broke out in the province of Margush (Margiana). Frāda, the leader of the revolt, was defeated in December 521. Sargatia came out in revolt as well, with Citrantakhma claiming the throne. He was eventually captured and executed at Arbela in Syria. Still another Persian province, Yautiyā, rebelled and named Vahyazdāta of Tāravā king. Darius' forces defeated him at Rakhā in May 521. Retreating to Paishiyāuvādā, Vahyazdāta managed to keep the revolt alive until April 520, when his forces were defeated. He was captured and executed. The satrap of Arachosia, Vivāna, had defeated one of Vahyazdāta's armies in December 521. Vivāna defeated the force a second time seven weeks later, capturing and executing its leaders. Babylon, following the departure of Darius in the summer of 521, had attempted a second rebellion. An Armenian named Arakha declared himself king. Another Persian force, commanded by Intaphrenes, was dispatched there, capturing Arakha and putting him to death. [21]
The Behistun inscription does not provide a detailed account of rebellion in Egypt. If it occurred, its suppression apparently was not considered a significant military operation. Nevertheless, the satrap of Egypt, Aryandes, was put to death when Darius came there (517 B.C.). Oroites, satrap of the island of Sardes, was also executed. His replacement was Syloson, Polycrates' brother. Darius had one last rebellion to deal with. Susiana briefly tried to break away again, but the revolt was put down (between 518 and 516).[22]
The need to deal with subjects and regions in revolt did not prevent Darius from expanding the Persian Empire to the east. The countries of Gandara and Sattagydia, India are mentioned in the Behistun inscriptions, indicating that parts of northern India had been brought within the boundaries of the empire fairly early in Darius' reign. The geographical area probably extended to the Indus basin west of the Indus, now the country of Pakistan. Herodotus suggests that he led a campaign which followed the Indus to the sea. It would bring the greatest amount of tribute - 360 talents of gold dust a year, according to Herodotus.[23]
In order to govern the empire, it had been divided into twenty satrapies, or provinces. The satrap, "protector of the realm," in Persian, was the governmental administrator of a region. The first, on the western coast of Asia Minor, included Ionia, Magnesia, Aeolia, Caria, Lycia, Milya, and Pamphylia. The second incorporated the Mysians, Lydians, Lasonians, Cabalians, and Hytennians. Dascylium, the third, included the Hellespontines, Phrygians, Asiatic Thracians, Paphlagonians, Mariandynians, and Syrians. Cilicia was the fourth satrapy. Abar-Nahara, or "Beyond-the-River," was the fifth, which included Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine, and Cyprus. The sixth included Egypt, Libya, and Cyrenaica. The seventh included the Sattagydae, Gandarii, Dadicae, and Aparytae. It was located next to India. Susiana, the eighth, included Susa and the Cissian country. Assyria, the ninth, included Babylon and Assyria. Media was the tenth. The eleventh, north of Media and west of the Caspian Sea, incorporated the Caspii, Pausicae, Pantimathi, and the Daritae peoples. Bactria was the twelfth satrapy. Armenia was the thirteenth and extended to the Euxine Sea. The fourteenth included the lands of the Sagartii, Sarangeis, Thamanaei, Utii, Myci, and those inhabiting the islands of the Red Sea. The fifteenth took in the Sacae and the Caspii. The sixteenth extended from the southeast corner of the Caspian to the Aral Sea, and included the Parthians, Chorasmians, Sogdians, and Arians. The Paricanians and 'Ethiopians' were incorporated into the seventeenth (the modern country of Baluchistan). The eighteenth, surrounding Lake Urmia, included the Matieni, Saspiri, and Alarodii. The nineteenth satrapy, southeast of the Black Sea, took in the Moschi, Tibareni, Macrones, Mossynoeci, and Mares. India (modern Pakistan) was the twentieth satrapy. [24]
Footnotes
(1) Herodotus, "The History" I, p. 125.
(2) Jim Hicks, "The Persians," Time-Life Books, (New York, NY 1975), pp. 10-11.
(3) Herodotus I, p. 91.
(4) Herodotus I, p. 86.
(5) The Bible, Book of Daniel 5:25.
(6) Jim Hicks, "The Persians," p. 24.
(7) J. B. Bury, S. A. Cook, F. E. Adcock, eds., "The Cambridge Ancient History: Volume IV: The
Persian Empire and the West," Cambridge at the University Press, (London, New York 1964), p. 12.
(8) "The Cambridge Ancient History," p. 15.
(9) Herodotus I, pp. 211-214.
(10) Herodotus III, p. 9.
(11) Herodotus III, p. 26.
(12) "Cambridge Ancient History," p. 21.
(13) "Cambridge Ancient History," pp. 23, 173; Herodotus III, pp. 64, 66.
(14) Nicolas Grimal, translated by Ian Shaw, "A History of Ancient Egypt" Blackwell, (Oxford 1992), p. 369.
(15) Herodotus III, p. 62.
(16) Jim Hicks, "The Persians," p. 28.
(17) Herodotus III, pp. 30, 61.
(18) "Cambridge Ancient History," pp. 175-176; Herodotus III, pp. 70-79.
(19) "Cambridge Ancient History," pp. 176-177; Herodotus III, pp. 150-152.
(20) "Cambridge Ancient History," pp. 178-179.
(21) "Cambridge Ancient History," pp. 179-180.
(22) "Cambridge Ancient History," pp. 181-182; Herodotus III, pp. 127-128.
(23) "Cambridge Ancient History," p. 183; Herodotus III, p. 94; IV, p. 44.
(24) "Cambridge Ancient History," pp. 194-195; Herodotus III, p.89-94.
