The Greatest Public Relations Coup of All Time

The branding campaign which transformed the labor movement into the "Worldwide Communist Conspiracy"

Karl Marx - Exile to London (1846-1849)

By Jack Barkstrom

The League of the Just and the Communist League

The abrasive style which alienated supporters in 1846 became a sought after commodity in 1847. The League of the Just, the secret society formed in 1836 by German refugees living in Paris had seen many of its members forced out of France by police harassment, some into exile in England.[1] In 1846 Marx had suggested an alliance with his Correspondence Committee, but his confrontational style had not won many over and the alliance was rejected. In 1847 the League became concerned about declining membership and loss of interest. The British government gave many asylum because they were viewed as insignificant. They sent Joseph Moll, a Cologne watchmaker to Brussels, in February 1847. He was able to locate Marx's apartment and asked him if he would be interested in joining the League, to help reinvigorate it, he said. He left to see Engels, who was living in Paris, with the same request. Both Marx and Engels agreed to join.[2]

In June 1847, at a congress meeting in London, the name of the organization was changed from the League of the Just to the Communist League.[3] The slogan was changed from "All Men are Brothers" to "Working Men of All Countries, Unite!" or "Proletarians of all Countries - Unite!"[4] The membership, despite a renewed interest, numbered just eighty-four, according to an observer.[5] Marx may have been more interested in a new publishing outlet for his writing, the German-Brussels News (Deutsche-Brüsseler-Zeitung), a twice-weekly German language newspaper. At least one name was familiar, Adalbert von Bornstedt, the Prussian spy who had worked on the editorial staff at Forwards![6] [7]

On November 29th, Marx and Engels took a steamship from the Belgian port of Ostend to Dover for what would be the second congress of the Communist League meeting in London.[8] The congress opened on November 30th. For the next ten days those attending would debate the League's goals and organizational structure. At the end of the congress, Marx and Engels were asked to write what would become the Communist Manifesto, a document summarizing the group's political views and goals.[9]

In January 1848 Marx, working in Brussels, was struggling to come up with a final version, having worked through several drafts, while trying to work on other projects. Engels, who was in Paris, urged him to produce something soon. The League's leadership in London tried a more threatening approach, in a letter dated January 26th, stating that if the Manifesto did not arrive in London by February 2nd "further measures will be taken against him."[10] A few days later he mailed the final version to London.

1848 - The Springtime of the Peoples

It took nearly a month for the Communist Manifesto to be printed. The eight hundred copies came off the press at the end of February.[11] By the time the copies sent across the Channel arrived in Brussels the French government had been overthrown. Crowds of angry Parisians, erecting barricades across Paris to confront troops, had forced Louis-Philippe to abdicate on February 24th. He had slipped out of Paris in disguise and then fled to England.[12] The angry tone and revolutionary rhetoric of the Manifesto was virtually unread and ignored, temporarily buried by larger events. Long-standing grievances, rather than the Manifesto, fueled unrest across Europe. France was just the first of many governments to fall within the course of a few weeks.

Europe did not need inspiration from Marx in 1848 to create a revolution. Bad harvests in prior years, growing unemployment, and an impoverished population were more than enough fuel for revolt. The Great Potato Famine in Ireland, which lasted from 1845 to 1849, was only symptomatic of agricultural problems in other parts of Europe.[13] [14] Some 1.5 million would immigrate to America, while over a million are estimated to have died from starvation or disease. France had experienced poor harvests in 1845 and 1846, somewhat offset by a better harvest in 1847.[15] Belgium, in 1848, was hit by rising unemployment related to the textile industry as well as by pockets of famine.[16] Silesia,the location of the weavers' revolt in 1844, was still suffering from shortages and tens of thousands had starved to death in East Prussia and Upper Silesia in 1847 and 1848. In April 1847, Prussia had experienced 150 food riots.[17] April 21st and 22nd, 1847 saw Berlin residents plundering market stalls and shops, as well as attacking potato merchants.[18] Where food was available, shortages throughout Europe led to higher prices. The problems of unemployment, low pay and and food shortages, which had destroyed France in 1789, continued to plague her as the industrial revolution spread, had not been solved by the 1830 revolt, and were just as evident in 1848.

Switzerland had been the first country to experience the revolutionary changes, not in 1848, but earlier, in the fall of 1847. A liberal constitution had been enacted, causing seven Catholic regions to secede. In a twenty-six day fight, the seceding regions lost and Switzerland was united under the liberal constitution.[19] Italy would be next. Rebellion began in the north, with demonstrations in Milan on January 3, 1848, against Austrian rule.[20] The Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, Sicily and Naples, southern Italy, which had been experiencing agricultural problems, food shortages, and rising prices, was next. On January 12, 1848, the citizens of Palermo rose up against the Bourbon King Ferdinand. On January 17th, the citizens of Naples would take to the streets in support of Palermo. The demonstrations evolved into open fighting with royalist troops, who were unable to prevent the sacking of the Royal Palace. On January 29th, King Ferdinand granted a constitution to Sicily and Naples.[21]

France, which had fostered an image of political tolerance, followed a formula which allowed it to avoid the extreme displays of political violence, at least for most of the 1840s. At the same time, the violence, when it came, could be earth shattering. The unrest of 1789 had overthrown the existing political order and in 1830, had forced out Charles X. Discontent began to surface in 1847 around the issue of voting rights and political reform, a discussion which seemed innocuous enough, particularly when compared to more volatile complaints about food shortages and rising prices.[22]

The French government did place some limits on open political discussion. Political gatherings of more than six people required official permission.[23] Opposition politicians, in July 1847, sought to get around this requirement by organizing "non-political" public banquets. Most managed to stay within allowable political bounds, although they drew sizable crowds - the first banquet had attracted more than twelve hundred. Although the king saw nothing alarming about a banquet scheduled for February 22, 1848, his Prime Minister François Guizot (the same Prime Minister who had negotiated with the Prussians over Karl Marx's expulsion in 1845), feared that this banquet meant trouble. He banned it. Although most of the organizers decided to call off the banquet, they did not (or could not) call off a protest march which had been scheduled to coincide with the banquet. (Those who could not afford the price of banquet admission planned a march to the event.) [24]

The protesters gathered in the Place de la Concorde on the morning of February 22nd, in spite of a cold drizzling rain. Many shouted "Down with Guizot!" There were a few barricades erected but no major clashes.[25], [26] Crowds assembled the next day, even though the weather had gotten colder, bringing sleet along with the rain. Louis-Philippe dismissed Guizot in the afternoon but the crowds grew even larger toward evening. Even after his dismissal, his Ministry of Foreign Affairs building served as a rallying point for some of the marchers, who moved toward the building, guarded by a body of troops and cavalry. A shot was fired, although it was unclear if it came from the crowd or the soldiers. At this point, there was a volley from the troops, which killed between fifty and eighty people. The crowd pulled back but barricades were erected across Paris and street fighting resulted in some 370 deaths.[27]

On the morning of February 24th, the military commander, who found many of his troops deserting to the opposition, ordered a cease fire. Louis-Philippe, fearing a complete loss of control, abdicated and fled to England. Replacing Louis-Philippe was a self-proclaimed Provisional Government, which also proclaimed itself the Second Republic. A proclamation was too ad hoc an arrangement to serve as a basis for government, so plans were made to hold elections to the Constituent Assembly, which would draft a new constitution. The date was set for Easter Sunday, April 23, 1848.[28]

In the meantime, the Provisional Government, dominated by more radical elements and without a formal mandate, simply assumed it had the power to carry out whatever policies it wanted. This change proved fortuitous for Karl Marx. He was invited to return to France on March 1st, just as he was about to be expelled from Belgium. The letter came from Ferdinand Flacon, an opposition leader who was now a member of the Provisional Government.[29],[30] The letter was among the smaller policy changes. The new government also announced universal male suffrage, which expanded the number of eligible voters from 250,000 to 9,000,000. Popular with Parisians was a scheme of National Workshops, established by the socialist Louis Blanc, which ended up employing some 120,000 Parisians by June, some in landscaping and beautification projects around Paris. Less popular in rural France was the hike in the land tax by 45 per cent, to pay for the National Workshops.[31], [32]

Brussels - 1848

The liberal King Leopold I, who had welcomed Marx to Belgium in 1845 was less tolerant in 1848.[33] Belgium, in 1848, was suffering from the same problems as Paris. Unemployment in the textile industry, one of the major employers, was rising, parts of the country were experiencing famine, and some unemployed were desperate enough to break shop windows in hopes of being arrested, so that they would be fed in prison.[34] Leopold, alarmed by events in France and Europe, was aware that normally quiet events could quickly get out of hand.

On Sunday, February 27th, Belgian residents gathered for a "peaceful" demonstration outside the Hôtel de Ville in Brussels. An anti-government Belgian attorney named Victor Tedesco, had been promoting the demonstration by standing on tabletops as he went from cafe to cafe in the days before.[35] If the gathering started off peacefully, the growing crowds became more agitated. The police, army, and reserve units surrounding the demonstration became more nervous. Sensing that the crowd was getting out of control, the gendarmes moved to disperse it. While no one was killed, the police beat many of the protesters and arrested a large number.[36] Many of the foreigners arrested were taken to the train station and deported to France on March 1st.[37]

Marx was not among that group. Financially, he should have been in a position to avoid involvement in any radical activities. In early February, he had received 6,000 francs from his mother, as part of his inheritance. On Monday, February 28th, a police informer reported that he had seen him giving 2,100 francs in banknotes to two men. The suspicion was that the money was to be used to buy arms for rebel groups within Belgium. On March 2nd, King Leopold I signed an order expelling Marx from Belgium, which he received on March 3rd, the same day he received the invitation from the French government to return to France.[38], [39] On March 4, 1848 Marx and his family boarded a carriage for Paris.

Austria and Prussia - 1848

Vienna did not learn of the overthrow of the French government until February 29th. There was no immediate reaction there, although there had been signs of discontent. On March 13th, however, students organized a demonstration, planned to coincide with a session of the Austrian diet. As the crowd grew the situation became more tense and the crowd bolder. They stormed the Landhaus building. Fifteen people were killed when troops opened fire. Fighting spread to other parts of the city, and the students received support from workingmen from the suburbs. Around nine in the evening, when it looked like a mob might storm the imperial palace, the royal family announced that Prince Clemens von Metternich, the seventy-four year old Austrian Chancellor, had resigned. Whether his departure was dignified or he fled in disguise, he left immediately for England.[40], [41]

Berlin heard the news of Metternich's fall on March 16th.[42] There had been some looting in the city following events in Paris, but no mass protests. Friedrich Wilhelm, hoping to prevent a full rebellion, issued a proclamation on March 18th promising reforms. A crowd greeted him on his balcony, in a good mood, following his proclamation. Mounted troops were positioned around the crowd, but it appeared they would be ordered to withdraw. Instead, they rode their horses into the crowd to disburse it. The crowd did disburse, but the participants scattered to other parts of the city and began erecting barricades.[43] Government forces employed cannon against the barricades but were unable to bring the situation under control, in spite of the expenditure of an estimated hundred thousand cartridges by the military. The next day Friedrich William ordered the troops to stop fighting and to leave the city. Hundreds had been killed in the fighting.

Friedrich William, seeking to buy time, was willing to grant some concessions. He ordered a general amnesty for political prisoners and enemies of the state. [44] Karl Marx was among those who would be allowed to return. Preferring a return to Germany, to a stay in Paris, he obtained a passport, valid for one year, and traveled to Mainz in April 1848, stayed for two days, and reached Cologne on April 10th.[45] There were limits to the King's amnesty. Another group of German exiles had organized a German Legion to fight for a German Republic. Crossing the Rhine, without arms, they were disbursed, either being arrested or forced back into France.[46], [47]

Cologne - 1848

Cologne had been the city where Marx first found journalist success with the Rhineland News in 1842. So perhaps his main goal was nothing more than to resurrect,re-create, or relive those glory days with the publication of a New Rhineland News (Neue Rheinische Zeitung), which three of his former colleagues were in the process of starting when he arrived.[48] Apart from that, Marx still had many contacts there, it was the third biggest town in Prussia, with a population of 100,000, and there was even a branch of the Communist League.[49]

If much was familiar about Cologne, much had changed. To begin with, Marx and Engels could only raise 13,000 thaler in starting capital, more than the 9,000 promised for the French venture, but about half of their goal of 30,000 - the amount which the first Rhineland News had raised from its investors.[50] Some of the original investors had left. Ludolf Camphausen was now prime minister of Prussia.[51] Marx would soon alienate those from the business community willing to invest in the paper with a more left-wing agenda.[52]

Marx, whose easily-bruised ego, thin-skinned personality, and dictatorial manner, could quickly turn friendship into bitter rivalry. An early admiration of Proudhon had soured once Proudhon turned down participation in Marx's Correspondence Committee.[53] In the Cologne of 1848 Marx discovered he was not the only voice championing the cause of the worker. Andreas Gottschalk, a doctor who's medical practice served the slum-dwellers of Cologne, had organized a Workers' Association, which attracted eight-thousand members. He had been arrested and jailed for his opposition activities in March, when he had disrupted a meeting of the town council, demanding voting reforms, abolition of the standing army, and freedom of the press. Gottschalk was released from jail by the same amnesty decree which allowed Marx to return to Germany. To deal with this threat, Marx founded a competing workers' organization called the Democratic Society.[54] In reality, Marx did not have to deal with Gottschalk for long. In July 1848, the Prussian authorities arrested him and kept in prison until December, when he was released after being acquitted at trial.[55] In his absence Marx moved to take over the Cologne Workers' Association. While Marx may have out-maneuvered his opponent, the victory backfired, since membership in the Association dropped by over 90 percent of what it had been under Gottschalk's leadership.[56]

Marx, who had once accused the Prussian government of hypocrisy, now found himself on the receiving end of similar criticism. Addressing Marx and Engels, Gottschalk pointedly remarked: "You have never been serious about the emancipation of the oppressed. The misery of the worker, the hunger of the poor has for you only a scientific, a doctrinaire interest....You do not believe in the revolt of the working people..."[57] It did seem as though the paper largely ignored working class issues, giving little coverage to strikes or radical congresses. There have even been suggestions that the paper paid its printers sub-standard wages, lower than the conservative competition.[58]

The first issue of the New Rhineland News came out on June 1, 1848.[59] Marx chose this issue to sarcastically attack the National Assembly meeting in Frankfurt. Most of the investors had high hopes for the assembly and the attack caused most of them to discontinue their support.[60] The loss of investors left the paper in serious financial difficulties. At the same time, it proved a popular publication, with five thousand subscribers.[61]

Reactionary Forces Return

In France, elections to the Constituent Assembly were held on Easter Sunday, April 23, 1848.[62] Election turnout was high - 84 percent of those eligible to vote voted. The radicals or socialists did poorly - fewer than 100 were elected, out of the total of 876 deputy seats available.[63] The provisional government had angered rural voters by the 45 percent surtax on land to pay for its program of national workshops and generous unemployment benefits, which were expensive and were seen as going mostly to the unemployed of Paris (and those who moved there from elsewhere to take advantage of the generous benefits).[64]

The new Constituent Assembly met for the first time on May 4th. Seeing the conservative turn of the new government, radicals in Paris stormed the National Assembly on May 15th, but troops and the National Guard disbursed the protest without bloodshed. The radical leaders were arrested.[65] The new Constituent Assembly moved quickly to shut down the national workshop program, the most expensive and, from a rural perspective, the most aggravating project. On June 20th, it voted to dissolve the national workshops. Published on June 21st, the decree gave the recipients of public funds three choices: leave Paris for public works projects in remote provinces, join the army, or if they chose to stay in Paris, do without public assistance. The next crowds began marching toward the center of Paris, shouting that they would not leave Paris and would not accept the decree. [66]

The government response was decisive. It raised a force of twenty-four battalions of Mobile Guards, mostly from the ranks of the unemployed. The newly-appointed minister of war, Louis-Eugène Cavaignac, an Algiers veteran, commanding a force of some 50,000, ordered the streets cleared, using cavalry troops in the open boulevards, fired on the barricades with grapeshot, coupled with artillery shells and incendiary Congreve rockets.[67] When the 'June Days' military action (June 22-June 26) was over, some 1,500 protesters had been killed in street-to-street fighting. Another 3,000 were killed in reprisal executions.[68] Some fifteen thousand were arrested and forty-five hundred were deported to Algeria.[69] Once the fighting was over, Paris remained under martial law, with the 50,000 troops stationed in the city to prevent further unrests.

The French presidential election was held on December 10, 1848. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, nephew of the Emperor Napoleon, was elected with 74 percent of the vote. Seemingly a popular politician, he would take over the government with a coup d'état on December 2, 1851.[70] The revolutionary changes of early 1848 were being undone in the rest of Europe as well, in 1849. In July 1849 French troops would occupy Rome and overthrow the Roman Republic, allowing Pope Pius to return in April 1850. Austrian armies would re-take Venice in August 1849.[71]

In Vienna, workers managed to capture the Austrian minister of war Theodor Latour, bludgeon and stab him to death, on October 6, 1848, following which they hung his body from a lamppost. The king fled but re-called troops from Hungary. The city was surrounded by a force of 70,000. They began a bombardment on October 28th and recaptured the city after four days of fighting. Three thousand defenders died against a casualty figure of 1,300 deaths among the military. Twenty-four hundred were arrested and twenty-five executed.[72]

In Germany, Frederick William IV, began to retreat from his earlier liberal promises. The Frankfurt Parliament began meeting on May 18, 1848. Over time it proved itself unable to agree on fundamental issues, such as the type of constitution, or whether the head of state should be a king, or a democratically chosen leader. The dangers of revolutionary change were brought home when radicals murdered two conservative deputies in August 1848. The deputies requested army troops for protection.[73] Frederick William refused to accept many of the proposed reforms. Finally, on November 10, 1848, he ordered General Wrangel, commanding 40,000 troops, to occupy Berlin and disarm the citizens' guard. In April 1849, Frederick William, in a final insult to the Frankfurt Parliament, refused to accept the legitimacy of democratic elections and the German Crown offered him - it was, he said, like picking up a crown "out of the gutter."[74] In May 1849, Prussian troops put down opposition protests in Dresden, with the loss of 250 lives.[75]

Marx and Engels - Exile to London

The Prussian government, if it was retreating from its liberal concessions in many areas, stuck to its agreement and did not revoke the amnesty which had allowed Marx and Engels to return to Germany. It clearly had bigger problems to deal with in other parts of Germany. As it consolidated its hold however, it began to push back. The staff of the New Rhineland Gazette faced a growing level of harassment. On September 17, 1848, a group of about 8,000 workers and socialists journeyed up the Rhine on barges to Fûlinger Heide, near Worringen, north of Cologne to hear a speech by Engels. He spoke of the coming struggle with the Prussian authorities and the willingness of the people of Cologne sacrifice their lives in that cause. The language was incendiary enough for Cologne's public prosecutor to charge Engels with high treason and issue a warrant for his arrest. His mother happened to see the warrant notice in the morning paper and warned him. He managed to elude authorities and reach Brussels. The Belgian police, not wanting him in Belgium, on October 5th, placed him on a train bound for Paris. The Paris he remembered was gone. The streets and cafes were largely deserted and the buildings destroyed by the June shelling stood empty.[76]

Engels left Paris, in part because of it's empty feel, as well as the fact that he faced arrest, traveled through the French countryside and reached Switzerland in early November. In January 1849 he was able to return to Cologne, to appear for a trial in February. In May he left Cologne, along with Marx, to help workers in Elberfeld resist the Prussian authorities.[77] The local Committee of Public Safety formally asked him to leave and he left about a week before Prussian forces arrived. He then joined a force of revolutionary soldiers, the Baden-Palatinate revolutionary army, a force of about 13,000, which confronted the Prussian army under General Willich at the Rastatt fortress. Defeated by the Prussians, what was left of the army retreated into Switzerland. Engels was running out of options. he He could remain in Switzerland, but a letter from Marx encouraged him to move to London. He went south to Italy and caught a ship from Genoa for London.[78]

Marx had not attended the Worringen rally in September and so avoided an arrest warrant.[79] However, in early November the newspaper offices were raided and Marx was charged with treason for a letter the paper had published. In December he was charged with libel.[80] In February 1849 Marx was acquitted after a trial, on charges that he had libeled the police. Engels, who had temporarily returned, was also acquitted on similar charges that he had libeled the police for accusing an officer of being drunk while making an arrest.[81]

Sometime in late February 1849, Prussian authorities authorized the expulsion of Marx, but left it to local administrators to determine the timing. Perhaps the intercession of his wife's brother, Ferdinand, delayed official action. In the meantime, the paper received hate mail on an almost daily basis and Marx was himself harassed by the local police.[82] The New Rhineland News ran a report on the end of the revolutionary movement in Germany, which Prussian authorities viewed as sufficiently revolutionary to justify his expulsion. The order was dated May 11th but was delivered to Marx on May 16th.[83] The final issue of the New Rhineland News came out three days later, on May 19, 1849.[84]

Marx and his family slipped out of Cologne on a Rhine barge, along with Engels, headed for Frankfurt via Bingen.[85] Marx arrived in Paris on June 9th.[86] He was not to stay there long. The government of Napoleon Bonaparte had classified him as an undesirable foreigner and, on July 19, he was given twenty-four hours to leave Paris. The expulsion order would allow him to settle in Brittany.[87] He appealed the order, which allowed him to stay in Paris until August. The government refused his request for a passport to Switzerland but granted him a travel pass for England. Marx left Paris on August 24th and arrived in London on August 27, 1849.[88] He would soon be joined by Engels, who arrived on the Cornish Diamond, from Genoa.[89] Engels would reconcile with his family and find employment with family firm of Erman & Engels. Although Marx and Engels would follow events in Europe, they would remain as exiles in England for the rest of their lives.


(1) Mary Gabriel, "Love and Capital: Karl and Jenny Marx and the Birth of a Revolution," (New York:Little, Brown and Company, 2011), p.63.
(2) Gabriel, ibid, p. 105.
(3) Gabriel, ibid, p. 108.
(4) David McLellan, "Karl Marx: A Biography," (New York:Palgrave MacMillan, 2006), p. 157.
(5) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 109.
(6) Jonathan Sperber, "Karl Marx: A Nineteenth Century Life," (New York:Liveright Publishing Corporation, 2013), p. 197.
(7) McLellan, op.cit., p. 158.
(8) McLellan, ibid, p. 160.
(9) McLellan, ibid, p. 161.
(10) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 118.
(11) Gabriel, ibid, p. 118.
(12) Gabriel, ibid, p. 124.
(13) Mark Almond, "Revolution: 500 years of struggle for change," (London:De Agostini Editions, 1996), p. 97.
(14) "1000 Events That Shaped the World," (Washington, D.C.:National Geographic Society, 2007), pp. 213-214.
(15) Almond, Op.cit., p. 98
(16) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 126.
(17) Gabriel, ibid, p. 133.
(18) Christopher Clark, "Iron Kingdom: The Rise and Downfall of Prussia, 1600-1947," (Cambridge, MA:The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006), p. 456.
(19) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 122.
(20) Almond, op.cit., p. 103.
(21) Almond, ibid, p. 102.
(22) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 123.
(23) Gabriel, ibid, p. 123.
(24) Gabriel, ibid, p. 124.
(25) Almond, op.cit., p. 98.
(26) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 124.
(27) Almond, op.cit., p. 99.
(28) Almond, ibid, p. 100.
(29) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 128.
(30) Sperber, op.cit., p. 216.
(31) Almond, op.cit., p. 99.
(32) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 142.
(33) Gabriel, ibid, p. 78.
(34) Gabriel, ibid, p. 126.
(35) Gabriel, ibid, p. 126.
(36) Gabriel, ibid, p. 126.
(37) Gabriel, ibid, p. 126.
(38) Gabriel, ibid, p. 128.
(39) McLellan, op.cit., p. 178.
(40) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 134.
(41) Gordon A. Craig, "Europe Since 1815," 2nd edition, (New York:Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1966), p. 136.
(42) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 135.
(43) Gabriel, ibid, p. 135.
(44) Gabriel, ibid, p. 136.
(45) McLellan, op.cit., p. 181.
(46) Sperber, op.cit., pp. 216-217.
(47) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 138.
(48) Gabriel, ibid, p. 139.
(49) McLellan, op.cit., p. 181.
(50) McLellan, ibid, pp. 184 & 38.
(51) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 144.
(52) Gabriel, ibid, p. 146.
(53) McLellan, op.cit., p. 146.
(54) Tristam Hunt, "Marx's General: The Revolutionary Life of Friedrich Engels," (New York:Holt Paperbacks, Henry Holt and Company, LLC, 2009), p. 155.
(55) Sperber, op.cit., p. 228.
(56) Sperber, ibid, p. 228.
(57) Hunt, op.cit., p. 156.
(58) Hunt, ibid, p. 156.
(59) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 141.
(60) Hunt, op.cit., pp. 157-158.
(61) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 145.
(62) Almond, Op.cit., p. 100
(63) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 143.
(64) Hunt, op.cit., p. 158.
(65) Almond, op.cit., p. 100.
(66) Almond, ibid, p. 101.
(67) Hunt, op.cit., pp. 159-160.
(68) Almond, op.cit., p. 101.
(69) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 148.
(70) Almond, op.cit., p. 101.
(71) Almond, ibid, pp. 103-104.
(72) Gabriel, op.cit., pp. 156-157.
(73) Almond, op.cit., p. 106.
(74) Almond, ibid, p. 107.
(75) Almond, ibid, p. 107.
(76) Hunt, op.cit., pp. 160-162.
(77) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 163.
(78) Hunt, op.cit., pp. 173-177.
(79) Hunt, op.cit., p. 161.
(80) Gabriel, op.cit., p. 158.
(81) Gabriel, ibid, p. 159.
(82) Gabriel, ibid, p. 161.
(83) Gabriel, ibid, p. 163.
(84) Gabriel, ibid, p. 164.
(85) Gabriel, ibid, p. 165.
(86) Gabriel, ibid, p. 168.
(87) Gabriel, ibid, p. 170.
(88) Sperber, op.cit., p. 243.
(89) Hunt, op.cit., pp. 177-179.